Taxpayer dollars help fund many ...
October
21, 2001
By
Tom Knudson, Bee Staff Writer
tknudson@sacbee.com
or 530-582-5336
To
submit a Letter to the Editor: editor@sacbee.com
A
major investor is helping The Nature Conservancy -- America's largest
environmental group -- buy land and protect species across the United
States.
The
same benefactor is providing financial aid to the World Wildlife Fund
for international conservation. It is spending heavily to help other
groups, from the American Farmland Trust to Trout Unlimited, hold
conferences, post Web pages, restore habitat and sway public opinion in
favor of protecting the natural world.
Few
philanthropists, in fact, have ever showered money so broadly across the
environmental community.
Who
is this conservation-minded patron?
You
-- and every other taxpayer in the United States, that's who.
It's
well known that the government dispenses billions for foreign aid,
medical research and other socially desirable activities. It's not
common knowledge that it also distributes financial assistance to
environmental organizations, including activist groups that seek to
influence, and even sue, the government.
"When
the federal government subsidizes one side of a public policy debate, it
undermines the very essence of democracy," said Randal O'Toole, a
senior economist at The Thoreau Institute, a free-market environmental
think tank in Oregon.
Those
who receive such funds have a different view.
"This
is part of the give and take of democracy," said Michael Replogle,
transportation director at Environmental Defense, a nonprofit advocacy
group. "Government agencies have a role to play" in reaching
out to the environmental community, he said.
Just
how much public money flows to environmental groups has never been
calculated, partly because it springs from so many sources. More than
two dozen federal entities, from the State Department to the [U.S.] Fish
and Wildlife Service, make awards to environmental groups. But no
government agency charts the total spending, identifies trends or
assesses what taxpayers are getting for their money.
Information
gathered by The Bee, though, shows the volume of federal support for
environmental groups is substantial, and growing.
Last
year, about $137 million flowed to 20 major environmental nonprofit
groups -- an average of $377,000 a day -- up 27 percent from 1999. Since
1998, more than $400 million in federal money has been granted to
environmental groups.
Four
groups -- The Nature Conservancy, Ducks Unlimited, the National Fish and
Wildlife Foundation, and the World Wildlife Fund -- have gotten more
than two-thirds of the money since 1998. More than 15 nonprofits
received $1 million a year or more.
Most
large environmental groups take government grants, but some -- such as
the Sierra Club and Greenpeace -- do not.
More
than half of the money is used to help groups purchase, restore or
protect land and species. That process, which often involves mingling
federal and private dollars to maximize their impact, has achieved
dramatic results for fish, wildlife and open space across the United
States.
Conservationists
say such teamwork is vital to preserving the biological diversity of
life on Earth.
"When
you look at what it is going to cost to protect biodiversity, it far
exceeds our capability, even as one of the wealthiest conservation
groups," said Mike Horak, a spokesman for The Nature Conservancy,
which last year received $37.3 million in federal funds -- the most of
any group.
The
rest of the federal money is channeled to hundreds of projects and
purposes, worldwide. It trains park rangers in Central America, pays for
mollusk monitoring in Tennessee and funds anti-poaching programs in
Africa. It underwrites pro-nature radio ads in Ohio, condor recovery
efforts in California and water pollution control efforts in the
Appalachians.
But
federal audits, reports and records show public money also trickles into
more controversial activities, such as lobbying and advocacy. Some also
helps fund government adversaries.
Few
groups have been more critical of the U.S. Forest Service than The Lands
Council, which calls itself a "front-line activist-based forest
conservation group" that favors a ban on commercial timber sales on
public forests. Recently, the council received a $30,000 grant -- about
10 percent of its budget -- from the Forest Service.
"How
can the Forest Service justify funding an organization whose mission is
to prevent management on federal lands?" asked Chris West, vice
president of the American Forest Resource Council, which represents
timber companies and sawmills. "Clearly, there needs to be some
better checks and balances in terms of how this money is spent."
The
Forest Service defended the award.
"The
grant is not paying them to market their no-commercial-cut
philosophy," said Bob Swinford, staff assistant to Forest Service
chief Dale Bosworth. Rather, it will be used for workshops on fire
safety in rural communities.
Fire
safety "is something we actually agree with the Forest Service
on," said Mike Peterson, conservation program director for the
Spokane-based council. "We've made a commitment to stay on
message."
But
it's not the first time Forest Service grants have kindled controversy.
A
1998 federal audit found numerous problems, including "expenses
which appeared unreasonable" at the National Forest Foundation, a
congressionally chartered private nonprofit organization funded in part
by the Forest Service. Among the expenses drawing attention were
consulting fees of $82,700 for "a retired Forest Service employee
and to an ex-Foundation board member"; luncheon, dinner and banquet
tabs of $10,108; and $123,500 spent trying to recruit members, which
brought in only $13,000 in membership fees.
Such
problems have since been resolved, said Doug Crandall, the group's new
vice president. "Basically, we're starting over. We have a new
board, new direction and a lot more focus."
The
Environmental Protection Agency has run into trouble, too.
In
April, the General Accounting Office noted "wide-ranging
problems" with EPA grants, including the use of EPA funds "for
unallowable activities such as lobbying." In May, the agency's
inspector general observed the EPA "does little to promote
competition" when awarding grants. And in June, the GAO said EPA's
"oversight of nonprofit grantees is not likely to ensure that funds
are spent as intended or allowed."
The
EPA did not respond to any of those findings, despite repeated requests
from The Bee.
Federal
funding for environmental groups may not be secret, but it's certainly
not well-publicized. Much of the supporting information is squirreled
away in obscure places -- such as financial summaries in annual reports
and IRS nonprofit tax returns. That drought of data can lead to
confusion and surprise.
One
day in 1998, for example, Peter Samuel, publisher of Toll Roads
Newsletter, which serves toll road managers and consultants, was
scrolling through a Web site of The Smart Growth Network, www.smartgrowth.org
-- a coalition of nonprofit groups that seeks to curb urban sprawl.
Curious,
Samuel sent an e-mail to the Webmaster.
"Please
inform me who controls the content of this Web site and give me their
phone number," he wrote.
Not
long after, he got a reply -- from the Environmental Protection Agency.
"The
Smart Growth Network is an EPA initiative," an agency employee
wrote. "The Web page is written and funded by the EPA."
Samuel
was stunned.
"Government
money should not be used for activist groups," he said. "It
should be used for genuine, impartial research."
A
senior EPA official said the agency funds the Web site because "it
provides information about different development options." EPA does
not control the content, the official said, and many groups contribute
to it. The official said the EPA would not allow him to be quoted by
name.
Since
1998, the EPA has awarded more than $5 million to nonprofit groups that
pursue so-called smart-growth objectives, which include working with
state and local governments to promote conservation-friendly urban
development.
"Working
together really is quite a natural," said Betsy Garside,
spokeswoman for the American Farmland Trust, a member of the Smart
Growth network and a recipient of EPA and other federal funds. "If
we can help the government be more efficient, and they can help us be
more far-reaching, the public benefits."
But
O'Toole -- a visiting scholar at the University of California, Berkeley
-- contends such alliances shortchange democracy.
As
he put it in "The Vanishing Automobile," a new book about
urban sprawl: "EPA funding creates the appearance of a grass-roots
movement against sprawl when in fact much of the 'movement' is supported
by a federal agency."
The
senior EPA official disagreed. "There is widespread concern about
the impacts of growth and development," he said. "We are
responding to people's concerns."
Concern
about taxpayer-funded advocacy is a recurring theme in Congress, where
at least five hearings have addressed the subject since 1995.
"Organizations
have every right to advocate and advance their point of view. What they
don't have a right to is taxpayer dollars," said Jonathan Adler,
who testified at one hearing. Adler is a well-known critic of the
environmental movement and author of "Environmentalism at the
Crossroads: Green Activism in America."
The
issue is not that simple, according to Replogle, who works for
Environmental Defense, an advocacy group that receives federal grants.
"Environmental
groups represent tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, of ordinary
citizens," he said.
"Efforts
to tie a gag around (environmental) groups, to cut them off from any
access to government grants seeks to undermine essential parts of public
involvement in the democratic process," Replogle said.
Federal
funding of environmental advocacy is at the heart of concerns about the
$30,000 federal grant to The Lands Council, which has repeatedly
attacked Forest Service timber policies. Members of Congress have
complained to the agency.
"This
is a little uncomfortable," said Mark Rey, a Department of
Agriculture undersecretary who oversees the Forest Service. "But
getting people together and finding consensus (on wildfire issues)
requires a certain amount of discomfort."
Some
say such funding aids advocacy indirectly.
"When
the government funds a group to do things you may not disagree with, it
frees up resources for it to do things you do disagree with," said
O'Toole.
But
Peterson said it works the other way. The grant "is actually
diverting resources out of our regular program. I'm spending a lot of
hours trying to interpret long documents and figure out how to
comply" with federal rules. "And I'm not funded to do
that."
Sometimes
federally funded environmental groups also sue the government.
On
July 1, 1997, the National Wildlife Federation sued the EPA over water
quality.
The
same day, it applied for a $70,000 EPA clean-water grant, records show.
A
few weeks later, it got the money.
The
federation succeeded with its suit as well, eventually getting the
federal government to pay its $14,000 legal costs.
"The
government is doing a lot of good work. ... And we work with them
wherever possible," said Philip Kavits, vice president of
communications for the federation. "By the same token, that does
not, in any way, insulate the government from (legal action) where we
feel they are doing the wrong thing."
Some
lawmakers have raised concerns about the EPA's "practice of
providing grants to organizations that have initiated legal action
against the agency," according to the GAO.
Most
federal support for environmental groups is put to work in a more
pragmatic manner: to buy land and protect habitat.
One
such arrangement is unfolding along a stretch of the Sacramento River in
Northern California where The Nature Conservancy purchased 67 acres --
then sold a piece to the government.
A
mix of orchards and cropland, the place is no scenic wilderness. But a
27-acre piece of forest and savannah along the river is vital habitat
for many species, including migratory songbirds.
That
is what drew the attention of the [U.S.]Fish and Wildlife Service, which
is seeking to expand its holdings in the heavily farmed Sacramento
Valley.
But
last year, when the parcel came up for sale, the [U.S.] Fish and
Wildlife Service didn't have the cash. Nor did it want the farmland.
Enter the conservancy. "We stepped in and held the property as an
interim owner," said Sam Lawson, director of the conservancy's
Sacramento River project.
Today,
the conservancy has sliced and diced the land into saleable units. For
$71,980 in federal funds, the river section will soon become part of the
Sacramento River National Wildlife Refuge. The farm portion is to be
sold to a local grower.
"It's
a win-win for everyone," said Glenn County Supervisor Denny Bungarz.
"Land suitable for habitat goes into habitat. Land that should stay
in agriculture stays in agriculture."
Yet
such transactions generate suspicion among conservatives.
"Land
purchases are an extremely political matter and an increasingly
controversial policy," said Christopher Morris, who scrutinizes
environmental groups for the Capital Research Center, a conservative
think tank in Washington.
"There
is nothing inherently wrong about The Nature Conservancy wanting to
preserve scenic places," Morris said. "But the scope of its
efforts ... come at the expense of private landowners.
And,
he charged, "the conservancy also makes money" by selling land
to the government.
Lawson
insisted that that's not the case.
"We
have a 'no-net-profit' rule, which says we are not allowed to sell
(land) to a government agency for more than we paid for it," he
said.
On
the Sacramento River property, records show the conservancy sold the 27
acres to the Fish and Wildlife Service for just what it paid for it:
$71,980.
International conservation is another huge ticket item.
Last year, more than $37 million in federal funds [taxpayer dollars] were routed, through environmental groups, to programs outside the United States.
A
small portion -- $1.7 million -- ended up in the lowland rain forests of
northern Guatemala, where Conservation International is using it to
establish sustainable farming practices, set up health clinics and
jump-start a new industry, eco-tourism, in the Mayan Biosphere Reserve
[United Nations designation].
"People
are willing to pay big money to hike into the forest and camp out and
explore the Mayan ruins with somebody who knows something about
it," said James Nations, a Conservation International vice
president.
One
1997 foreign award to the Natural Resources Defense Council even had
links to a prominent politician: then-Vice President Al Gore.
The
goal of the $20,000 Department of Energy grant was to support Peter
Miller, an NRDC scientist, in testing an ultraviolet water purification
system in South Africa. The low-cost process has potential for improving
public health in developing nations.
After
the work was complete, NRDC sent a billing letter to the government,
which said, "DOE requested that we initiate the effort at this time
in order to have a site ready for the visit of Vice President Al Gore
and the meeting of the U.S./South Africa Bi-national Commission in
February."
In
the end, though, Gore didn't show up.
"We
would have hoped to get some nice publicity but, frankly, it was more of
a pain," said Miller. "We kind of scrambled around trying to
get the thing set up in time for him to visit so he can get the photo op
-- and he went to some other project."
Copyright
2001, The Sacramento Bee.
http://www.sacbee.com/static/archive/news/projects/environment/20011021.html